How the fall of Yohn nourishes the rise of the Korea conservatives of S Korea

Boloval shouts broke out in front of the official residence of former South Korean President Yon Suk Youol on Friday, as the judges of the Constitutional Court judges confirmed his impeachment.

“I came here with the hope in my heart, believing that we will win … It is so unfair,” 64-year-old Won God-Sil told the BBC Korean of the rally, where thousands gathered in support of Yoon.

These scenes were live, transmitted to thousands more on YouTube – a platform popular not only with Yoon supporters, but by the president himself.

The shameful Ion is now deprived of his power, but he leaves behind an increasingly divided South Korea.

Last December, Yoon's A shock statement of military law worth it the trust of a large part of the countryS But among his supporters, his continuing legal problems have only further prompted the image of a sinful savior.

Many of them sound stories viewed by influential right YouTubers, which support John: this martial law is necessary to protect the country from North Korean opposition MPs and a dangerously powerful opposition, and this Conservative Party of Ion was a victim of a fraud.

All this ended with the movement of fringes, which became both more energy and extreme, spilling behind the computer screens on the streets.

The Stop the theft signs have become an attachment to the rallies of Pro-Yoon-co-operated by supporters of US President Donald Trump, whose own political career has been assisted by a network of conservative YouTubers.

Shortly after Jon's arrest in January, angry supporters stormed the Court of Justice in Seoul, armed with metal beams, attacked by police officers who went on their way.

Last month, an elderly man died after setting fire to Seoul City Hall weeks earlier. Flyers blaming the opposition leaders for being a pro-North-north Korean forces near him.

“If they stay here, our country will become a communist nation.” The flyers readS “There is no future for this country, no future for young people.”

Even the Conservatives were surprised and separated by this new trend of violence.

“He watched too many junk videos on YouTube,” read one choice in Korea Joongang Daily, one of the many conservative newsletters that are increasingly contrary to Yoon supporters. “An intrusive observer of biased content on YouTube can live in a fanatical world dominated by conspiracy.”

From the beginning, Yoon hugged the right YouTubers, inviting some of them to take office in 2022.

In January, as he opposed attempts to arrest him, the president to say Proponents that he is watching their ralles on YouTube Livestream. PPP legislators said Yon had called for them to consume “well -organized information about YouTube” instead of “prejudiced” inherited media.

Built -in on these channels on YouTube are stories of the opposition Democratic Party, which is uplifting from Beijing and tries to fit into Pyongyang.

After the Democratic Party won the urns from landslide last AprilSome of these channels claim that Ion is a victim of China led electoral intervention, and that North Korea's sympathizers lurking among the opposition stand behind the ruling party's defeat. Similar allegations were voiced by Ion when he tried to justify his short -term statement of martial law.

These stories have found a resonance in an online audience, which is a common distrust of the main media and concerns about South Korea neighbors.

“I think (the elections were) completely deceitful because when you voted, you fold the paper, but they continued to find documents that were not folded,” Kim told only his surname, told the BBC at Pro-Yoon rally in January. Claims like these have not decreased, despite the Supreme Court's previous decision that the vote was not manipulated.

Kim, 28, is among the contingent of young men who have become the new faces of the right of South Korea.

A young perspective, a YouTube channel with more than 800,000 subscribers managed by someone who describes himself as a “young man who appreciates freedom” often shares videos from parliamentary sessions showing PPP politicians who take opposition members.

Another popular YouTuber is Jun Kwang-Hoon, a pastor and founder of the Evangelical Party for Freedom Union, which publishes videos of politically charged sermons calling on their 200,000 subscribers to join Pro-You rallies. This is in accordance with the historically strong Protestant support for conservatism in South Korea.

Nam Hyun-Ju, an employee at the Theological School, told the BBC that he believed that the Chinese Communist Party was “the main actor behind an election fraud.” Standing before the Constitutional Court in the January bite cold, she was a sign of protest, denunciating the judicial system.

Other voices dominant in the virtual sphere are a momentary photo of the rest of the Yoon support base: middle -aged men or elderly people. One of them manages a stroke of a genius, one of the largest pro-YouTube channels with 1.6 million subscribers. His live streams of rallies and monologues that Ion's opponents regularly recruit tens of thousands of views, with the comment section of calls for “President Ion Protection”.

During the tumultuous months after Yong's military statement, it seems that the popularity of his party was not injured.

In fact, the opposite: While PPP approval rates sank to 26.2% in the days after John declared military position, it recovered more than 40% just weeks later -much higher than before the chaos.

Built by the loyalty of his supporters, John wrote in a letter to them in January, only after he was hindered, he “feels like president.”

“Everyone scratches in their heads here,” says Michael Brien, a consultant based in Seoul and a former journalist who covers the Koreans in front of the BBC. While Conservatives in South Korea have been “very divided and weak” over the last decade, he says that Ion is “now more popular among them than he was before trying to introduce martial law.”

This solidarity is probably nourished by a shared dislike of the opposition, which has begun numerous attempts to impeach by Yon's cabinet, pushed criminal investigations against Ion and his wife and uses his parliamentary majority to impeach the replacement of Ion Han Duck

“I think the power of the opposition party in the assembly went to the head,” says G -n BRIN. “Now they were shooting in their feet.”

A built -in Yoon became greater than life, rebranded as a martyr who saw the military situation as the only way to save South Korea's democracy.

“If it wasn't for the good of the country, he would not have chosen martial law where he would have to pay with his life if he failed,” a pro-You rally told the BBC, who only gave his family park to the BBC.

This also contributed to an expanding gap within the PPP. While some joined Pro-Yoon rallies, others passed party lines to vote for Yoon's impeachment.

“Why do people worship him as a king? I can't understand him,” said PPP legislator Cho Kung-Tae, who supported Ion's impeachment.

Kim Sang-Wuk, another PPP MP who has become a prominent anti-ion voice among the Conservatives, said he was under pressure to leave the party after supporting Ion's impeachment. And now youtubers, according to Kim, have become a public relations machine.

The concerns have remained in an increasingly incorrect group within the conservative movement. And since the influential left-handed in YouTubers similarly combines anti-ion protesters, there are also fears that political differences are getting deeper into the tissue of the South Korea society.

“A lot of damage has already been caused to the radicalization of the right, as well as the left, as well as on this issue,” the US based in the US and Korea Christopher Jummin Lee told the BBC.

He added that at this point, “any compromise with a conservative party that continues to hug Yon, will probably be regarded as anathema.”

“As he drives his attempt at uprising at the center of Korean politics, Ion effectively fulfilled the polarization of a decade.”